Indonesian american kin relationship

Culture of Indonesia - history, people, traditions, women, beliefs, food, customs, family, social

indonesian american kin relationship

kinship terms used in Hokkien Chinese Indonesian family including relatives. It is believed that our name connoting our uniqueness sets us apart from Kinship terms, defined as words used in a community to identify relationships between. kinship terms used in Hokkien Chinese Indonesian family including relatives. It is believed that our name connoting our uniqueness sets us apart from every power and distance in a family and relative relations in society. The United States-Indonesia relationship has assumed an increasing The figures make Indonesia a prime destination for US exports. . countries, its citizens still feel a sense of kinship with those to whom the ban applies.

The constitutions comprise the basic principles of an independent Indonesian state which is the five nationalist principles called Pancasila that was invented and developed by the first president, Sukarno.

Just and civilised humanity Kemanusiaan Yang Adil dan Beradab 3. The unity of Indonesia Persatuan Indonesia 4. Democracy led by the wisdom of deliberation among representatives Kerakyatan Yang Dipimpin oleh Hikmat Kebijaksanaan, Dalam Permusyawaratan dan Perwakilan 5.

Social justice for the whole of the people of Indonesia Keadilan Sosial bagi seluruh Rakyat Indonesia Indrayana claimed that upon the Indonesian riot and the resignation of the president Suharto in MayIndonesia marked it as one of the most important episode in their political history.

The country that is known as the fourth largest population in the world embarked a new political phase called Reformation Reformasi. The beginning period of a democracy system with liberal politics is said to which autonomy would be moved into different regions, moving away from the centre i. He also mentioned that this particular incident caused the changes and gave birth to several branches of government in Indonesia.

As a result of the occurring decentralization in Indonesia also rise up the so-called regional violence embedded with either ethnic or religious affairs due to the development in competing for local political positions in relation towards the reinforcement of regional identities or individualities.

The constitution itself also provides the division of executive, legislative and judicial powers in Indonesian political system. The executive is administrated by the government i. Delving into her involvement in politics, Megawati was included as one of the candidates for president in along with Habibie, Rais and Wahid despite her zero background in politics other than her father being the first president. Megawati was then voted as the leader of Indonesian Democratic Party in in spite of her lack participation in political arena at that moment.

In addition to people were targeting on how religious she was as a Muslim adherents in relation to most of her wide supporters are non- Muslims. Her three times marriages and the lack of a formal degree as well as her least involvement was issues rose in her running for presidency. She, whom also commonly known as Tutut has attended the deputy chairperson of the Golkar party, moreover in she served as the Social Affairs Minister and inshe ran to be the candidate of the next president for the presidential election.

In addition, Tommy consistently unsuccessful to put for the legislative votes over the National Republican Party he found. The Chosiyahs family in Banten In political dynasties or a strong kinship ties in political compound of Indonesia, it is most impossible to neglect the well-known family of Chosiyah in Banten. Chasan Sochib, who formerly a business entrepreneur was recognised as a community leader in Banten has made his family into a strong political family and his daughter, the infamous Ratu Atut Chosiyah held the position of governor of Banten.

Chosiyahs can be considered as a strong and prominent political family in Banten area and 5 Indonesia as whole. Such examples are firstly his very own son, Syahrul Yasin Limpo became the governor in South Sulawesi where Syahrul previously hold a position as district head in Gowa.

Yasin Daeng Limpo is at present in the state of deprived fitness; nonetheless his children and wife have preserved his practise of political influence alive. Likewise, Marshall wrote in one of his articles stating that the infamous Syahrul Yasin Limpo family has been in the family political business in ages.

Bilateral descent - Wikipedia

He who currently served as the second term governor in the South Sulawesi province is dominating the existing political activity for more than two generations, three and the fourth are in line be one.

Many believed that the existence of political dynasties should be ceased to exist. The governor of Banten as well as the Golkar politician, Ratu Atut Chosiyah is alleged to commit a corruption case. On one hand, some argue kinship ties in politics is only as important to the family, on the other, Nurul Arifin, the deputy secretary general of Golkar believed that political dynasties are an inevitable case of Indonesian politics.

Country of Immigrants: Indonesian American

It is the basic framework of handing down their political power inside their family circle. In anthropology, lineage is there to serve three important functions; One, it is a tool to strengthen the communal ties and to develop social cohesion which also is somewhat a promoter to solve any existing conflicts. Second, it tends 8 to work as a political organization where the arrangement of headship is controlled by elite groups, chief of that particular tribe which they see themselves as a figure of godfather like.

indonesian american kin relationship

Finally, the traditional political structure dominated by the elite groups lies on the unilineal descent relations. Donald Kurtz The concept of having family to be put first in politics is not uncommon even in any parts of the world.

Family should come first and to some, power should only be passed down to those who are related by blood. Alhumami pointed out that this is acceptable conception in politics business because politics as known is generally competed with Brutus syndrome; conflict, betrayal, hard fortunes. It is not unanticipated if Indonesian politicians to adopt this system where they actually prefer to grant their political authority over their next kin rather than unknowns.

One obvious importance is a trust issue. Politicians tend to laid down their assurance and confidence in their own family or clan because they are most likely would not betray them.

In Java in particular, classes were separated by the use of different language levels, titles, and marriage rules. Aristocratic court culture became a paragon of refined social behavior in contrast to the rough or crude behavior of the peasants or non-Javanese. Indirection in communication and self-control in public behavior became hallmarks of the refined person, notions that spread widely in society.

The courts were also exemplary centers for the arts— music, dance, theater, puppetry, poetry, and crafts such as batik cloth and silverworking. The major courts became Muslim by the seventeenth century, but some older Hindu philosophical and artistic practices continued to exist there or were blended with Muslim teachings. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries a more complex society developed in Java and some other parts of the Indies, which created a greater demand for trained people in government and commerce than the aristocratic classes could provide, and education was somewhat more widely provided.

A class of urbanized government officials and professionals developed that often imitated styles of the earlier aristocracy. Within two decades after independence, all principalities except the sultanates of Yogyakarta and Surakarta were eliminated throughout the republic. Nevertheless, behaviors and thought patterns instilled through generations of indigenous princely rule—deference to authority, paternalism, unaccountability of leaders, supernaturalistic power, ostentatious displays of wealth, rule by individuals and by force rather than by law—continue to exert their influence in Indonesian society.

DuringIndonesia was in deep governmental crisis and various institutions were being redesigned. The constitution of the republic, however, mandates six organs of the state: The president is elected by the MPR, which consists of one thousand members from various walks of life—farmers to businesspeople, students to soldiers—who meet once every five years to elect the president and endorse his or her coming five-year plan. The vice president is selected by the president.

The DPR meets at least once a year and has five hundred members: The DPR legislates, but its statutes must be approved by the president.

The Supreme Court can hear cases from some three hundred subordinate courts in the provinces but cannot impeach or rule on the constitutionality of acts by other branches of government. Inthe nation had twenty-seven provinces plus three special territories Aceh, Yogyakarta, and Jakarta with different forms of autonomy and their own governors.

East Timor ceased to be a province inand several others are seeking provincial status. Governors of provinces are appointed by the Interior Ministry and responsible to it. Below the twenty-seven provinces are districts kabupaten subdivided into 3, subdistricts kecamatanwhose leaders are appointed by the government.

There are also fifty-five municipalities, sixteen administrative municipalities, and thirty-five administrative cities with administrations separate from the provinces of which they are a part.

At the base of government are some sixty-five thousand urban and rural villages called either kelurahan or desa.

Leaders of the former are appointed by the subdistrict head; the latter are elected by the people. Many officials appointed at all levels during the New Order were military or former military men.

Provincial, district, and subdistrict governments oversee a variety of services; the functional offices of the government bureaucracy such as agriculture, forestry, or public workshowever, extend to the district level as well and answer directly to their ministries in Jakarta, which complicates local policy making. Leadership and Political Officials.

Indonesian Foreign Policy: The US Factor

During the New Order, the Golkar political party exerted full control over ministerial appointments and was powerfully influential in the civil service whose members were its loyalists. Funds were channeled locally to aid Golkar candidates, and they dominated the national and regional representative bodies in most parts of the country. The Muslim United Development Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party lacked such funds and influence and their leaders were weak and often divided.

Ordinary people owed little to, and received little from, these parties. After the fall of President Suharto and the opening of the political system to many parties, many people became involved in politics; politics, however, mainly involves the leaders of the major Fish drying.

Both freshwater and ocean fishing are important to village economies. The civil and military services, dominant institutions since the republic's founding, are built upon colonial institutions and practices.

The New Order regime increased central government authority by appointing heads of subdistricts and even villages. Government service brings a salary, security, and a pension however modest it may be and is highly prized. The employees at a certain level in major institutions as diverse as government ministries, public corporations, schools and universities, museums, hospitals, and cooperatives are civil servants, and such positions in the civil service are prized.

Membership carried great prestige in the past, but that prestige diminished somewhat during the New Order. Economic expansion made private sector positions—especially for trained professionals— more available, more interesting, and much more lucrative. Neither the number of civil service positions nor salaries have grown comparably. The interaction of ordinary people with government officials involves deference and often payments upward and paternalism downward.

Officials, most of whom are poorly paid, control access to things as lucrative as a large construction contract or as modest as a permit to reside in a neighborhood, all of which can cost the suppliant special fees.

International surveys have rated Indonesia among the most corrupt nations in the world. Much of it involves sharing the wealth between private persons and officials, and Indonesians note that bribes have become institutionalized. Both the police and the judiciary are weak and subject to the same pressures.

The unbridled manipulation of contracts and monopolies by Suharto family members was a major precipitant of unrest among students and others that brought about the president's fall. Social Problems and Control. At the end of the colonial period, the secular legal system was divided between native mainly for areas governed indirectly through princes and government for areas governed directly through administrators.

indonesian american kin relationship

The several constitutions of the republic between and validated colonial law that did not conflict with the constitution, and established three levels of courts: Customary law is still recognized, but native princes who were once responsible for its management no longer exist and its position in state courts is uncertain.

Indonesians inherited from the Dutch the notion of "a state based upon law" rechtsstaat in Dutch, negara hukum in Indonesianbut implementation has been problematic and ideology triumphed over law in the first decade of independence. Pressure for economic development and personal gain during the New Order led to a court system blatantly subverted by money and influence. Many people became disenchanted with the legal system, though some lawyers led the fight against corruption and for human rights, including the rights of those affected by various development projects.

A national human rights commission was formed to investigate violations in East Timor and elsewhere, but has so far had relatively little impact. One sees the same disaffection from the police, which were a branch of the military until the end of the New Order. Great emphasis was placed upon public order during the New Order, and military and police organs were used to maintain a climate of caution and fear among not just lawbreakers but also among ordinary citizens, journalists, dissidents, labor advocates, and others who were viewed as subversive.

Extrajudicial killings of alleged criminals and others were sponsored by the military in some urban and rural areas, and killings of rights activists, particularly in Atjeh, continue.

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The media, now free after severe New Order controls, is able to report daily on such events. In —vigilante attacks against even suspected lawbreakers were becoming common in cities and some rural areas, as was an increase in violent crime.

Compounding the climate of national disorder were violence among refugees in West Timor, sectarian killing between Muslims and Christians in Sulawesi and Maluku, and separatist violence in Atjeh and Papua; in all of which, elements of the police and military are seen to be participating, even fomenting, rather than controlling. In villages many problems are never reported to the police but are still settled by local custom and mutual agreement mediated by recognized leaders.

Customary settlement is frequently the only means used, but it also may be used as a first resort before appeal to courts or as a last resort by dissatisfied litigants from state courts. In multiethnic areas, disputes between members of different ethnic groups may be settled by leaders of either or both groups, by a court, or by feud. In many regions with settled populations, a customary settlement is honored over a court one, and many rural areas are peaceful havens.

Local custom is often based upon restorative justice, and jailing miscreants may be considered unjust since it removes them from oversight and control of their kinsmen and neighbors and from working to compensate aggrieved or victimized persons.

Where there is great population mobility, especially in cities, this form of social control is far less viable and, since the legal system is ineffective, vigilantism becomes more common. The Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesiaor ABRI consist of the army aboutpersonnelnavy about 40,air force nearly 20,and, until recently, state police almostIn addition, almost three million civilians were trained in civil defense groups, student units, and other security units.

Many soldiers at first came from the latter, but many volunteers were added after the Japanese left. Some local militias were led by people with little military experience, but their success in the war of independence made them at least local heroes.

The army underwent vicissitudes after independence as former colonial officers led in transforming guerilla-bands and provincial forces into a centralized modern army, with national command structure, education, and training. From its beginning the armed forces recognized a dual function as a defense and security force and as a social and political one, with a territorial structure distinct from combat commands that paralleled the civilian government from province level to district, subdistrict, and even village.

General Suharto came to power as the leader of an anticommunist and nationalist army, and he made the military the major force behind the New Order. Its security and social and political functions have included monitoring social and political developments at national and local levels; providing personnel for important government departments and state enterprises; censoring the media and monitoring dissidents; placing personnel in villages to learn about local concerns and to help in development; and filling assigned blocs in representative bodies.

The military owns or controls hundreds of businesses and state enterprises that provide about three-quarters of its budget, hence the difficulty for a civilian president who wishes to exert control over it. Also, powerful military and civilian officials provide protection and patronage for Chinese business-people in exchange for shares in profits and political funding. Social Welfare and Change Programs The responsibility for most formal public health and social welfare programs rests primarily with government and only secondarily with private and religious organizations.

From toconsiderable investment was made in roads and in health stations in rural and urban areas, but basic infrastructure is still lacking in many areas. Sewage and waste disposal are still poor in many urban areas, and pollution affects canals and rivers, especially in newly industrializing areas such as West Java.

Welfare programs to benefit the poor are minimal compared to the need, and rural economic development activities are modest compared to those in cities. The largest and most successful effort, the national family planning program, used both government and private institutions to considerably reduce the rate of population increase in Java and other areas. Transmigration, the organized movement of people from rural Java to less populated outer island areas in Sumatra, Kalimantan, Sulawesi, and West Papua, was begun by the Dutch early in the twentieth century and is continued vigorously by the Indonesian government.

It has led to the agricultural development of many outer island areas but has little eased population pressure in Java, and it has led to ecological problems and to ethnic and social conflicts between transmigrants and local people. Nongovernmental Organizations and Other Organizations Despite government dominance in many areas of social action, nongovernmental organizations NGOs have a rich history, though they often have had limited funds, have operated under government restraint, and have been limited in much of their activity to urban areas.

They have served in fields such as religion, family planning, education, rural health and mutual aid, legal aid, workers' rights, philanthropy, regional or ethnic interests, literature and the arts, and ecology and conservation Muslim and Christian organizations have been active in community education and health care since the early twentieth century. Foreign religious, philanthropic, and national and international organizations have supported welfare efforts by government and NGOs, though most NGOs are homegrown.

The authoritarian nature of the New Order led to tensions between the government and NGOs in areas such as legal aid, workers' rights, and conservation, and the government sought to co-opt some such organizations. Also, foreign support for NGOs led to tensions between the various governments, even cancellations of aid, when that support was viewed as politically motivated. With the collapse of the New Order regime and pressures for reform sinceNGOs are more active in serving various constituencies, though economic upset during the same period has strained their resources.

Women and men share in many aspects of village agriculture, though plowing is more often done by men and harvest groups composed only of women are commonly seen. Getting the job done is primary. Gardens and orchards may be tended by either sex, though men are more common in orchards. Men predominate in hunting and fishing, which may take them away for long durations. If men seek long-term work outside the village, women may tend to all aspects of farming and gardening. Women are found in the urban workforce in stores, small industries, and markets, as well as in upscale businesses, but nearly always in fewer numbers than men.

Many elementary schoolteachers are women, but teachers in secondary schools and colleges and universities are more frequently men, even though the numbers of male and female students may be similar. Men predominate at all levels of government, central and regional, though women are found in a variety of positions and there has been a woman cabinet minister. A woman serves food at a market stand.

Urban Indonesian women often find work in markets. The vice president, Megawati Sukarnoputri, a woman, was a candidate for president, though her reputation derives mainly from her father, Sukarno, the first president. She was opposed by many Muslim leaders because of her gender, but she had the largest popular following in the national legislative election of The Relative Status of Women and Men. Though Indonesia is a Muslim nation, the status of women is generally considered to be high by outside observers, though their position and rights vary considerably in different ethnic groups, even Muslim ones.

Nearly everywhere, Indonesian gender ideology emphasizes men as community leaders, decision makers, and mediators with the outside world, while women are the backbone of the home and family values. Marriage, Family, and Kinship Marriage. People in Indonesia gain the status of full adults through marriage and parenthood. In Indonesia, one does not ask, "Is he or she married? Certain societies in Sumatra and eastern Indonesia practice affinal alliance, in which marriages are arranged between persons in particular patrilineal clans or lineages who are related as near or distant cross-cousins.

In these societies the relationship between wife-giving and wife-taking clans or lineages is vitally important to the structure of society and involves lifelong obligations for the exchange of goods and services between kin. The Batak are a prominent Sumatran example of such a people. Clan membership and marriage alliances between clans are important for the Batak whether they live in their mountain homeland or have migrated to distant cities. Their marriages perpetuate relationships between lineages or clans, though individual wishes and love between young people may be considered by their families and kinsmen, as may education, occupation, and wealth among urbanites.

In societies without lineal descent groups, love is more prominent in leading people to marry, but again education, occupation, or wealth in the city, or the capacity to work hard, be a good provider, and have access to resources in the village, are also considered. Among the Javanese or Bugis, for example, the higher the social status of a family, the more likely parents and other relatives will arrange a marriage or veto potential relationships.

In most Indonesian societies, marriage is viewed as one important means of advancing individual or family social status or losing it. Divorce and remarriage practices are diverse. Among Muslims they are governed by Muslim law and may be settled in Muslim courts, or as with non-Muslims, they may be settled in the government's civil court.

The initiation of divorce and its settlements favors males among Muslims and also in many traditional societies. Divorce and remarriage may be handled by local elders or officials according to customary law, and terms for such settlements may vary considerably by ethnic group.

In general, societies with strong descent groups, such as the Batak, eschew divorce and it is very rare. Such societies may also practice the levirate widows marrying brothers or cousins of their deceased spouse. In societies without descent groups, such as the Javanese, divorce is much more common and can be initiated by either spouse. Remarriage is also easy. Javanese who are not members of the upper class are reported to have a high divorce rate, while divorce among upper-class and wealthy Javanese is rarer.

Polygamy is recognized among Muslims, some immigrant Chinese, and some traditional societies, but not by Christians. Such marriages are probably few in number. Marriages between members of different ethnic groups are also uncommon, though they may be increasing in urban areas and among the better educated.

The nuclear family of husband, wife, and children is the most widespread domestic unit, though elders and unmarried siblings may be added to it in various societies and at various times.

This domestic unit is as common among remote peoples as among urbanites, and is also unrelated to the presence or absence of clans in a society. An exception is the traditional, rural matrilineal Minangkabau, for whom the domestic unit still comprises coresident females around a grandmother or mothers with married and unmarried daughters and sons in a large traditional house. Husbands come only as visitors to their wife's hearth and bedchamber in the house.

Some societies, such as the Karo of Sumatra or some Dayak of Kalimantan, live in large or long houses with multiple hearths and bedchambers that belong to related or even unrelated nuclear family units. Inheritance patterns are diverse even within single societies.

Muslim inheritance favors males over females as do the customs of many traditional societies an exception being matrilineal ones where rights over land, for example, are passed down between females. Inheritance disputes, similar to divorces, may be handled in Muslim courts, civil courts, or customary village ways.

Custom generally favors males, but actual practice often gives females inheritances. In many societies, there is a distinction between property that is inherited or acquired; the former is passed on in clan or family lines, the latter goes to the children or the spouse of the deceased.

Such a division may also be recognized at divorce. In many areas land is communal property of a kin or local group, while household goods, personal items, or productive equipment are familial or individual inheritable property. In some places economic trees, such as rubber, may be personally owned, while rice land is communally held. With changing economic conditions, newer ideas about property, and increasing demand for money, the rules and practices regarding inheritance are changing, which can produce conflicts that a poorly organized legal system and weakened customary leaders cannot easily manage.

Many of Indonesia's ethnic groups have strong kinship groupings based upon patrilineal, matrilineal, or bilateral descent. Patrilineal descent is most common, though matriliny is found in a few societies, such as the Minangkabau of West Sumatra and southern Tetun of West Timor. Some societies in Kalimantan and Sulawesi, as well as the Javanese, have bilateral kinship systems.

Kinship is a primordial loyalty throughout Indonesia. Fulfilling obligations to kin can be onerous, but provides vital support in various aspects of life. Government or other organizations do not provide social security, unemployment insurance, old age care, or legal aid. Family, extended kinship, and clan do provide such help, as do patron-client relationships and alliances between peers.

Correlated with these important roles of family and kin are practices of familial and ethnic patrimonialism, nepotism, patronage, and paternalism in private sectors and government service.

Socialization Child Rearing and Education. In the government education system, generally, quantity has prevailed over quality. Facilities remain poorly equipped and salaries remain so low that many teachers must take additional jobs to support their families. The colonial government greatly limited education in Dutch and the vernaculars, and people were primarily trained for civil service and industrial and health professions. At the time of independence inthe republic had few schools or university faculties.

Mass education became a major government priority for the next five decades. Today many Indonesians have earned advanced degrees abroad and most have returned to serve their country. In this effort the government has received considerable support from the World Bank, United Nation agencies, foreign governments, and private foundations.

Increasingly, better-educated people serve at all levels in national and regional governments, and the private sector has benefitted greatly from these educational efforts.

Private Muslim and Christian elementary and secondary schools, universities and institutes, which are found in major cities and the countryside, combine secular subjects and religious education. Higher education has suffered from a lecture-based system, poor laboratories, a shortage of adequate textbooks in Indonesian, and a poor level of English-language proficiency, which keeps many students from using such foreign textbooks as are available.

Research in universities is limited and mainly serves government projects or private enterprise and allows researchers to supplement their salaries. From the late s through the ls, private schools and universities increased in number and quality and served diverse students including Chinese Indonesians who were not accepted at government universities.

Many of these institutions' courses are taught in afternoons and evenings by faculty members from government universities who are well paid for their efforts. The colonial government limited education to an amount needed to fill positions in the civil service and society of the time. Indonesian mass education, with a different philosophy, has had the effect of producing more graduates than there are jobs available, even in strong economic times.

Unrest has occurred among masses of job applicants who seek to remain in cities but do not find positions commensurate with their view of themselves as graduates. Students have been political activists from the s to the present.

The New Order regime made great efforts to expand educational opportunities while also influencing the curriculum, controlling student activities, and appointing pliant faculty members to administrative positions.

New campuses of the University of Indonesia near Jakarta, and Hasanuddin University near Makassar, for example, were built far from their previous locations at the center of these cities, to curb mobilization and marching. Etiquette When riding a Jakarta bus, struggling in post-office crowds, or getting into a football match, one may think that Indonesians have only a push-and-shove etiquette.

And in a pedicab or the market, bargaining always delays action. But public behavior contrasts sharply with private etiquette. In an Indonesian home, one joins in quiet speech and enjoys humorous banter and frequent laughs. People sit properly with feet on the floor and uncrossed legs while guests, men, and elders are given the best seating and deference. Strong emotions and rapid or abrupt movements of face, arms, or body are avoided before guests.

Drinks and snacks must be served, but not immediately, and when served, guests must wait to be invited to drink. Patience is rewarded, displays of greed are avoided, and one may be offered a sumptuous meal by a host who asks pardon for its inadequacy. Whether serving tea to guests, passing money after bargaining in the marketplace, or paying a clerk for stamps at the post office, only the right hand is used to give or receive, following Muslim custom.

The left hand is reserved for toilet functions. Guests are served with a slight bow, and elders are passed by juniors with a bow. Handshakes are appropriate between men, but with a soft touch and between Muslims with the hand then lightly touching the heart. Until one has a truly intimate relationship with another, negative feelings such as jealousy, envy, sadness, and anger should be hidden from that person.

Confrontations should be met with smiles and quiet demeanor, and direct eye contact should be avoided, especially with social superiors. Punctuality is not prized— Indonesians speak of "rubber time"—and can be considered impolite. Good guidebooks warn, however, that Indonesians may expect Westerners to be on time!

In public, opposite sexes are rarely seen holding hands except perhaps in a Jakarta mallwhile male or female friends of the same sex do hold hands. Neatness in grooming is prized, whether on a crowded hot bus or at a festival. Civil servants wear neat uniforms to work, as do schoolchildren and teachers. The Javanese emphasize the distinction between refined halus and crude kasar behavior, and young children who have not yet learned refined behavior in speech, demeanor, attitude, and general behavior are considered "not yet Javanese.

The Batak, for example, may be considered crude because they generally value directness in speech and demeanor and can be argumentative in interpersonal relationships. And a Batak man's wife is deemed to be a wife to his male siblings though not in a sexual waywhich a Javanese wife might not accept. Bugis do not respect persons who smile and withdraw in the face of challenges, as the Javanese tend to do; they respect those who defend their honor even violently, especially the honor of their women.

Thus conflict between the Javanese and others over issues of etiquette and behavior is possible. A Javanese wife of a Batak man may not react kindly to his visiting brother expecting to be served and to have his laundry done without thanks; a young Javanese may smile and greet politely a young Bugis girl, which can draw the ire and perhaps knife of her brother or cousin; a Batak civil servant may dress down his Javanese subordinate publicly in which case both the Batak and the Javanese lose face in the eyes of the Javanese.

Batak who migrate to cities in Java organize evening lessons to instruct newcomers in proper behavior with the majority Javanese and Sundanese with whom they will live and work. Potential for interethnic conflict has increased over the past decades as more people from Java are transmigrated to outer islands, and more people from the outer islands move to Java. Indonesia has the largest Muslim population of any nation, and in the population was reported to be 87 percent Muslim.

There is a well-educated and influential Christian minority about 9. The Balinese still follow a form of Hinduism. Mystical cults are well established among the Javanese elite and middle class, and members of many ethnic groups still follow traditional belief systems. Officially the government recognizes religion agama to include Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, and Buddhism, while other belief systems are called just that, beliefs kepercayaan.

Those who hold beliefs are subject to conversion; followers of religion are not. Belief in ancestral spirits, spirits of diverse sorts of places, and powerful relics are found among both peasants and educated people and among many followers of the world religions; witchcraft and sorcery also have their believers and practitioners.

The colonial regime had an uneasy relationship with Islam, as has the Indonesian government.

Indonesian Foreign Policy: The US Factor - Future Directions International

Dissidents have wanted to make Indonesia a Muslim state, but they have not prevailed. The Javanese are predominantly Muslim, though many are Catholic or Protestant, and many Chinese in Java and elsewhere are Christian, mainly Protestant. The Javanese are noted for a less strict adherence to Islam and a greater orientation to Javanese religion, a mixture of Islam and previous Hindu and animist beliefs. The Sundanese of West Java, by contrast, are ardently Muslim.

The Dutch sought to avoid European-style conflict between Protestants and Catholics by assigning particular regions for conversion by each of them. Islam in Indonesia is of the Sunni variety, with little hierarchical leadership. Two major Muslim organizations, Nahdatul Ulama NU and Muhammadiyahboth founded in Java, have played an important role in education, the nationalist struggle, and politics after independence.

The New Order regime allowed only one major Muslim political group, which had little power; but after the fall of President Suharto, many parties Muslim and others emerged, and these two organizations continued to play an important role in the elections. The leader of NU, Abdurrahman Wahid whose grandfather founded itcampaigned successfully and became the country's president; an opponent, Amien Rais, head of Muhammadiyah, became speaker of the DPR. During this time of transition, forces of tolerance are being challenged by those who have wanted Indonesia to be a Muslim state.

The outcome of that conflict is uncertain. Muslim-Christian relations have been tense since colonial times. The Dutch government did not proselytize, but it allowed Christian missions to convert freely among non-Muslims.

When Christians and Muslims were segregated on different islands or in different regions, relations were amicable. Since the s, however, great movements of people—especially Muslims from Java, Sulawesi, and parts of Maluku into previously Christian areas in Kalimantan, Sulawesi, Maluku, and West Papua—has led to changes in religious demography and imbalances in economic, ethnic, and political power.

The end of the New Order regime has led to an uncapping of tensions and great violence in places such as Ambon capital of the Maluku provinceother Maluku islands, and Sulawesi.

A loss of authority by commanders over Muslim and Christian troops in the outer islands is playing a part.

Christians generally have kept to themselves and avoided national politics. They lack mass organizations or leaders comparable to Muslim ones, but disproportionate numbers of Christians have held important civil, military, intellectual, and business positions a result of the Christian emphasis upon modern education ; Christian secondary schools and universities are prominent and have educated children of the elite including non-Christians ; and Village living is often dictated by established custom and mutual agreement by recognized leaders.

Some Muslims are displeased by these facts, and Christians were historically tainted in their eyes through association with the Dutch and foreign missionaries and the fact that Chinese Indonesians are prominent Christians. During the New Order, those not having a religion were suspected of being Communist, so there was a rush to conversion in many areas, including Java, which gained many new Christians.

Followers of traditional ethnic beliefs were under pressure as well. In places such as interior Kalimantan and Sulawesi, some people and groups converted to one of the world religions, but others sought government recognition for a reorganized traditional religion through both regional and national politicking.

Among the Ngaju Dayak, for instance, the traditional belief system, Kaharingan, gained official acceptance in the Hindu-Buddhist category, though it is neither. People who follow traditional beliefs and practices are often looked down upon as primitive, irrational, and backward by urban civil and military leaders who are Muslim or Christian— but these groups formed new sorts of organizations, modeled on urban secular ones, to bolster support. Such moves represent both religious and ethnic resistance to pressure from the outside, from neighboring Muslim or Christian groups, and from exploitative government and military officers or outside developers of timber and mining industries.

On Java, mystical groups, such as Subud, also lobbied for official recognition and protections. Their position was stronger than that of remote peoples because they had followers in high places, including the president. Rituals and Holy Places. Muslims and Christians follow the major holidays of their faiths, and in Makassar, for example, the same decorative lights are left up for celebrating both Idul Fitri and Christmas.

National calendars list Muslim and Christian holidays as well as Hindu-Buddhist ones. In many places, people of one religion may acknowledge the holidays of another religion with visits or gifts.

Mosques and churches have the same features found elsewhere in the world, but the temples of Bali are very special. While centers for spiritual communication with Hindu deities, they also control the flow of water to Bali's complex irrigation system through their ritual calendar.

Major Muslim annual rituals are Ramadan the month of fastingIdul Fitri the end of fastingand the hajj pilgrimage. Indonesia annually provides the greatest number of pilgrims to Mecca. Smaller pilgrimages in Indonesia may also be made to Workers harvest rice on a terraced paddy on the island of Bali. Rituals of traditional belief systems mark life-cycle events or involve propitiation for particular occasions and are led by shamans, spirit mediums, or prayer masters male or female. Even in Muslim and Christian areas, some people may conduct rituals at birth or death that are of a traditional nature, honor and feed spirits of places or graves of ancestors, or use practitioners for sorcery or countermagic.

The debate over what is or is not allowable custom by followers of religion is frequent in Indonesia. Among the Sa'dan Toraja of Sulawesi, elaborate sacrifice of buffalos at funerals has become part of the international tourist circuit, and the conversion of local custom to tourist attractions can be seen in other parts of Indonesia, such as on Bali or Samosir Island in North Sumatra.

Death and the Afterlife. It is widely believed that the deceased may influence the living in various ways, and funerals serve to ensure the proper passage of the spirit to the afterworld, though cemeteries are still considered potentially dangerous dwellings for ghosts. In Java the dead may be honored by modest family ceremonies held on Thursday evening.

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Among Muslims, burial must occur within twenty-four hours and be attended by Muslim officiants; Christian burial is also led by a local church leader. The two have separate cemeteries. In Java and other areas there may be secondary rites to assure the well-being of the soul and to protect the living.

Funerals, like marriages, call for a rallying of kin, neighbors, and friends, and among many ethnic groups social status may be expressed through the elaborateness or simplicity of funerals. In clan-based societies, funerals are occasions for the exchange of gifts between wife-giving and wife-taking groups. In such societies representatives of the wife-giving group are usually responsible for conducting the funeral and for leading the coffin to the grave.

Burial is most common, except for Hindu Bali where cremation is the norm. The Sa'dan Toraja are noted for making large wooden effigies of the deceased, which are placed in niches in sheer stone cliffs to guard the tombs. In the past, the Batak made stone sarcophagi for the prominent dead.

This practice stopped with Christianization, but in recent decades, prosperous urban Batak have built large stone sarcophagi in their home villages to honor the dead and reestablish a connection otherwise severed by migration. Medicine and Health Care Modern public health care was begun by the Dutch to safeguard plantation workers. It expanded to hospitals and midwifery centers in towns and some rural health facilities.

During the New Order public health and family planning became a priority for rural areas and about seven thousand community health centers and 20, sub-health centers were built by In Jakarta medical faculties exist in a number of provincial universities. Training is often hampered by poor facilities, and medical research is limited as teaching physicians also maintain private practices to serve urban needs and supplement meager salaries.

Physicians and government health facilities are heavily concentrated in large cities, and private hospitals are also located there, some founded by Christian missions or Muslim foundations. Many village areas in Java, and especially those in the outer islands, have little primary care beyond inoculations, maternal and baby visits, and family planning, though these have had important impacts on health conditions.

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Traditional medicine is alive throughout the archipelago. Javanese curers called dukun deal with a variety of illnesses of physical, emotional, and spiritual origin through combinations of herbal and magical means. In north Sumatra, some ethnic curers specialize; for example, Karo bonesetters have many clinics.

Herbal medicines and tonics called jamu are both home blended and mass produced.