Foreign relations of the European Union - Wikipedia
Relations between the Principality of Monaco and the European Union (EU) are primarily conducted through France. Through that relationship Monaco directly. French understandings of Turkey's possible adhesion to the EU are firmly related with the complex relationship of France with the European construction, and. French President Emmanuel Macron urged the European Union on Thursday to modernize its post-Cold War ties with Russia and pursue.
To keep Austria from intervening into its plans regarding Western Europe he lent limited support to the Ottoman Empirethough the victories of Prince Eugene of Savoy destroyed these plans. In Egyptian workers -under the supervision of France- completed the Suez Canal.
A rivalry emerged between France and Britain for control of Egypt, and eventually Britain emerged victorious by buying out the Egyptian shares of the company before the French had time to act.
France received Syria and Lebanon. Relationships with Syria are more strained, due to the policies of that country. The war in Algeria between Muslim fighters and French colonists deeply concerned the rest of the Muslim world. The Algerian fighters received much of their supplies and funding from Egypt and other Arab powers, much to France's displeasure.
It greatly diminished France's reputation in the region. France openly supported the Israeli attack on the Sinai peninsulaand was working against Nasserthen a popular figure in the Middle East.
The Suez Crisis also made France and the United Kingdom look again like imperialist powers attempting to impose their will upon weaker nations. De Gaulle's policies[ edit ] This all changed with the coming of Charles de Gaulle to power.
De Gaulle's foreign policy was centered around an attempt to limit the power and influence of both superpowers, and at the same time increase France's international prestige. De Gaulle hoped to move France from being a follower of the United States to becoming the leading nation of a large group of non-aligned countries. The nations de Gaulle looked at as potential participants in this group were those in France's traditional spheres of influence: Africa and the Middle East.
The former French colonies in eastern and northern Africa were quite agreeable to these close relations with France. These nations had close economic and cultural ties to France, and they also had few other suitors amongst the major powers. This new orientation of French foreign policy also appealed strongly to the leaders of the Arab nations. None of them wanted to be dominated by either of the superpowers, and they supported France's policy of trying to balance the US and the USSR and to prevent either from becoming dominant in the region.
The Middle Eastern leaders wanted to be free to pursue their own goals and objectives, and did not want to be chained to either alliance block. De Gaulle hoped to use this common foundation to build strong relations between the nations. He also hoped that good relations would improve France's trade with the region.
De Gaulle also imagined that these allies would look up to the more powerful French nation, and would look to it in leadership in matters of foreign policy. France could not portray itself as a leader of the oppressed nations of the world if it still was enforcing its colonial rule upon another nation.
The battle against the Muslim separatists that France waged in favour of the minority of white settlers was an extremely unpopular one throughout the Muslim world.
For over ten years, France's influence has also decreased due to its own weakening from the political, economic and social points of view, which has in turn influenced the rise of Euroscepticism, both amongst the political classes and public opinion. Sincethe economic crisis has exacerbated Euroscepticism within the population: They are discovering that Europe is not "greater France", and they no longer see it as an instrument at the service of French ideas "the Archimedes lever" spoken of by General de Gaullebut rather as the Trojan horse of economic globalisation.
Moreover, this feeling has been heightened by the Union's strategic renunciation and the disarmament of its Member States since the end of the USSR 25 years ago.
Foreign relations of France
In brief, France no longer seems to believe in its reincarnation  within a liberal economic, federal and enlarged Union which reflects its loss of influence and in which it no longer identifies. France seems to be in quest of a new European narrative . In this context, to what extent is the election of Emmanuel Macron as President of the Republic an opportunity for the redefinition of a French narrative about Europe that not only breaks with the weaknesses of the previous President's five-year mandate in terms of European policy, but also with the rationale of a traditional approach that forms the core of France's relationship with European integration and which therefore might be shared by its partners?
And where relevant, on which terms would France's return to Europe be effective? Doesn't this imply the adoption of a new discourse of the method and a new approach to the European Union by France? Emmanuel Macron and Europe: We know the reasons for this: Since the beginning of European integration, France and Germany have been the driving force. Germany and France tried to recover their role as a driving force in Europe as of with joint Franco-German work, notably focusing on economic issues.
Foreign relations of France - Wikipedia
The German government ended the initial tension over the Stability and Growth Pact and sanctions, to concede that in a period of major economic crisis, time is required to return to budgetary balance; it recognised that the goal of stability would not be achieved if the economy of some Member States was crashing; it supported the need for greater political coordination in the euro zone.
This rapprochement helped both governments propose new steps to their European partners to take the Economic and Monetary Union forward. Their suggestions in support of action to improve the financing terms of SMEs and youth employment, the achievement of banking union and a better coordination of economic policies, were part of a useful working programme for the future of the EMU. However, these Franco-German initiatives led to a series of questions, which went unanswered .
From an economic point of view both governments had a completely different approach. France demanded macro-economic revival, a budget for the euro zone and a pooling of the debt, whilst Germany insisted on a supply policy, structural reforms and compliance with budgetary rules .
Furthermore, the Franco-German initiative in Minsk Minsk I in September and Minsk II in February regarding the Ukrainian question with the creation of the "Normandy" format - Germany, France, Russia, Ukrainethe work towards coordinating the management of the Greek crisis in the summer ofthen the terrorist attacks  appeared to settle relations between the two countries. And yet, the refugee crisis marked a dissociation in the Franco-German couple, to the backdrop of deep disagreement and national unilateralism .
Overcoming these disagreements became a vital stake in France's European policy after the elections of After several years of multiple crises, the issue of confidence had to be raised again in a context typified by a rupture in the balance between the two countries, a lowering in Germany's federalist goals, linked to a real dilution of French influence in the Union, due to the mediocre economic results that affected Paris's credibility in the international arena which led in a way to the latter becoming Germany's junior partner.
However, the present challenges facing the Union and its Member States terrorism, the migrant crisis, economic imbalances, the rise of populism and anti-European extremism, Brexit etc. An election's power to transform? Whilst the voice of France has weakened at the European level and the Franco-German couple has been increasingly destabilised over the last few years to Berlin's advantage, is France making a return to Europe in the wake of Emmanuel Macron's election as President of the Republic?
Several things lead us to anticipate this. The fact that the major political split that structured the second round of the presidential election focused on the opposition between a "society open to Europe and the world" vs "a closed society"  or, in all events, the temptation of national withdrawal as well as the victory of Emmanuel Macron over Marine Le Pen, provided the President elect with great democratic legitimacy and a strong political mandate regarding European issues.
The creation of a Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs bears witness to this.
It is notable that this European bias matches the expectations of the majority of public opinion: Then, at European level, the political dynamic following the election led to the relay of the Macronist political offer in terms of Europe, not only in France but also in the Union. This is what lent his victory meaning at the international level, and credit to the new president in the European and international arena: In both cases, for Emmanuel Macron, the political and economic systems in France and Europe are in deadlock and the status quo is untenable in the medium term.
A new French narrative for Europe? Helping the European project to make sense again: Inwhen he was Minister for Economic Affairs, he declared: Since we have just managed the crises without putting any project forward.
We must free Europe of what it has become. Europe has lost its ability to imagine itself and to project itself on the world stage. It has been obsessed by its internal political, economic and budgetary balances, and it is caving in on itself. It has now become a vast, unregulated market, and it is not defending our collective preferences Protecting our interests legitimately, this is the very meaning of the European project We are pulling the curtain on a Europe that has no political project.
We have to re-invent a Europe that is powerful, which thinks of itself in relation to the rest of the world and which defines its sovereign rules. Because in our societies, the middle classes have started to doubt this. They feel that Europe is being made in spite of them.
That Europe is dragging itself down. We have to create a Europe that protects by developing a true common defence and security policy. We have to be more efficient regarding major migrations, by making in depth reforms to the system that protects our borders, as well as migratory policy and asylum rights. The present system means that just a few are bearing all of the weight of this themselves and it will not withstand the next migratory waves.
I believe in a Europe that has the means to protect its external borders, to guarantee its security via police and judicial cooperation in its fight to counter terrorism, deploying a common organisation in terms of asylum rights and immigration, a Europe that protects against the disruptions of globalisation. The route of rebuilding a sovereign, united and democratic Europe. Let us together have the audacity to create this route. As I have done at every point in front of the French people, I would today like to say with resolute conviction: Only Europe can, in a word, guarantee genuine sovereignty, or our ability to exist in today's world to defend our values and interests.
European sovereignty requires constructing, and we must do it.
Because what constructs and forges our profound identity, this balance of values, this relation with freedom, human rights and justice cannot be found anywhere on the planet. This attachment to a market economy, but also social justice. We cannot blindly entrust what Europe represents, on the other side of the Atlantic or on the edges of Asia. It is our responsibility to defend it and build it within the context of globalization.
Emmanuel Macron believes that the European Union must strengthen its internal cohesion, and notably continue the integration of the euro zone to resist any future shocks.
Some of these suggestions are extremely ambitious: This proposal traditionally comes up against reluctance on the part of certain governments and public opinion, especially in the countries of the north-west and north of Europe, in moving towards a greater pooling of risk, which leads to fears of a union of transfers.
It seems more likely that common budgetary instruments will be acceptable if common needs are identified. From this point of view, it seems that it would be useful to engage debate regarding common goods that might be managed together under the common institutions.
It is also notable that spending in investments are generally centralised in federal States. The President especially recognises that for the euro zone to do more than just survive and for it to prosper, it is necessary to share European sovereignty within the common institutions based on legitimacy mechanisms and political responsibility that is sufficiently strong, notably via the creation of a European Finance Minister, who would be accountable to a euro zone parliamentary assembly.
Again, these future institutional and political structures of the European Union raise questions. For example, to strengthen democratic legitimacy and control over European decisions regarding the EMU, the creation of a Euro zone Parliament has been suggested.France: Le Pen blasts EU relationship with ‘Islamist’ states in war against IS
Evidently, the European Parliament would prefer this assembly not to compete with it and for it to be one of its sub-committees, in the same way the Eurogroup is now a sub-group of the European Council.
Similarly, uncertainty still surrounds the issue of the method to be used and notably the possible revision of the treaties. In the case of the latter, the progress of euro zone integration raises the issue of growing differentiation between the Union and the status of the States outside of the euro zone. The proposal of an economic government is not such a great point of consensus as it might seem and this is a real problem: But the fault lines that this debate has revealed since the start of the euro zone crisis  have not gone away and run through national political culture in Europe, notably in France and Germany.
While government is synonymous to politicisation and interventionism in France, it refers to the wish for independently implemented rules in Germany.
Monaco–European Union relations - Wikipedia
These fault lines did not disappear with the election of Emmanuel Macron, and both countries will have to agree on a common idea of the European political and economic system if they want to agree on a common government and finally on a collective management of European common goods macro-economic stabilisation policy, European defence etc.
A few months ago, as she explicitly supported the wish to reform the euro zone put forward by Emmanuel Macron, Angela Merkel seemed to show that she was open to discussion of the means for greater economic integration; this step forward by Germany is remarkable. Moreover, for progress to be made in terms of reforming the euro zone, France needs to recover its economic credibility, the reforms announced aiming to revive the national economy need to be implemented successfully, and budgetary commitments need to be respected.
These are the conditions for France to win back the confidence of its German partner. From sovereign Europe to a Europe that protects Furthermore, from an external point of view, international issues challenge the collective European capacity to respond to world geopolitical and geo-economic transformation.
This is the case regarding the organisation of their collective security, the regulation of migratory flows, and also the fight to counter terrorism. In this context, the project that aims to develop a sovereign Europe, advocated by Emmanuel Macron, includes both economic and structural advantages in that there is an obvious continuity between the internal factor of these challenges and the means to rise to them by coordinating Member States means at European level justice, police, intelligence, anti-terrorist combat and the external dimension at international level diplomacy and defence.
A project like this finds its full meaning in terms of the new world geo-economic power balances, both from the point of view of climate change - even more so in the wake of the US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement: In this context the French President can defend a strategic position at European level, notably regarding collective security issues, in areas in which France has a high credibility rate and which match the most firmly established collective preferences amongst the French population.