Gold Magazine September issue 66 by INBusiness - Issuu
Aug 4, The CRCS attempted also to meet the needs of the poor, the sick we can all continue our humanitarian mission with .. and the Kozani region, again through the Church of. Cyprus. .. indirectly tend to need to erode and deplete stocks mentally. .. beautiful voice and Evanthia Reboutsika's superb music. (i.e. increase in Grant of Rights Fee and indirect taxes) and extraordinary losses At Athens International Airport we are fully aware that plans are prepared aiming at bringing these services back to since airports are the face of aviation on the ground, they are the Evanthia Reboutsika, the Tangart group of. I will demonstrate how music serves as the most Any film that does not meet these expectations is rejected as being .. is "Trip Around the Aegean" by Evanthia Reboutsika, a Greek musician and composer who won . of the synthetic ground, he never touches on it again except to note that Ziya Gökalp considered.
Today, the number of blood donors in OTE is around 3, throughout Greece. Innearly 1, units of blood were collected in the Attica area, of which 1, were donated to cooperating hospitals, and were made available to cover the needs of employees and their relatives. Inthe clubs counted a total number of 20, members, including employee families and pensioners.
In the area of the environment In the second semester of the company successfully recycled around kilos of batteries. Moreover, at the end of the company launched an effort to recycle telecommunication appliances and equipment collected from various settings at OTESHOPS.
The program covers four equally important areas in which corporate social responsibility is implemented: Will the Kosovar football players continue to play with the Albanian national team? The officials of the two countries often make patriotic or confused declarations, while the players just want to play… That day, he was surrounded by a crowd of fans and journalists.
He was the star of the local media and the most requested man on the Albanian national soccer team in Belarus. The Kosovar Lorik Cana, who plays for French football club Olympique de Marseille, was giving autographs and responding to questions. Will you still play for the Albanian national team? A moment of silence followed.
The truth was out: This question has hung like a black cloud over sports in Kosovo and Albania. Surprisingly, this question was not asked of Kosovar football players who have other citizenships. For example, Valon Behrami, a Lazio player and now a Swiss citizen, plays for the national team of Switzerland, while Shefki Kuqi and his brother Njazi play for the national team of Finland.
The question, 16 17 as it was put, seemed to imply that Albania is exploiting the Kosovars. And that the situation must be corrected once Kosovo gains its independence, and its own national football team.
The Bridge Magazine - Issue 6 by Vassilios Loukanidis - Issuu
Even if the Kosovo status issue is still pending, rumors abound regarding an exodus of Kosovar footballers from Albania.
If a football player of one national team wants to change to another, then his request will be examined sepa- By Ben Andoni rately but this will take a long time. Perhaps by the time he gets the OK he will have given up….
They are key players and it is hard to imagine the Albanian national team without them. Moreover, Albanian specialists keep making references to other quality players from Kosovo. Those who are enrolled in the national team are provided with an Albanian passport, with quick procedures.
So all parties are happy: For example, Armend Dallku became a famous striker playing for Elbasan, an Alban- on Albania… in sport ian football club. The same happened with Arjan Beqaj, who is now making a brilliant career in Greece.
He was totally unknown before playing for the Albanian national team. The break-up of the Soviet Union and of Yugoslavia drove a lot of players who used to play for the USSR or Yugoslavia to don the national colors of the newly formed states.
What makes the Kosovo case unique is probably the fact that it never had the status of a republic but only of an autonomous district. And now, under the surveillance of the UN, it is waiting to be granted the status of statehood. A short history If we look at the history of football in Kosovo we find that the Kosovo Football Federation was created inas a branch of the Yugoslav Football Federation. Just three or four Kosovar football clubs participated in the Second Yugoslav League.
Kosovo itself had its first football league, and its top team usually went directly to the Second Yugoslav League. The Kosovo Football Federation was banished in and reactivated after Conditions are still bad, but good news has come in the form of local businessmen seeking to become key investors in football clubs.
In any case, Kosovo has a long way to go. I hope that Kosovo gains its independence as soon as possible and then we can deal seriously with football in our country. Maybe we can have some good results in the next 10 years. But at present Albania is serving as an opportunity for them to play and as a stepping stone for them to make a career in Albania and internationally.
And while officials in both countries continue to make patriotic or confused declarations, the players need to play, to make a career, not to mention a living… The game of the poor people A lot of Kosovars and Albanians working and living as immigrants in Europe used to think that one of the most effective ways of social integration for their children was sport, especially football.
Kosovars and Albanians all across the European continent are trying to imitate his success. Papandreou Amid growing concerns over climate change, the environment, energy security and diminishing petroleum reserves worldwide, the Mediterranean region is in a privileged geopolitical position to act as host to a wide variety of global points of view on solutions for the future.
On April 17 this year the UN Security Council held its first hearings ever on the relationship between climate change, energy and security. The understanding of the relationship between climate change and energy security as it affects the future of development is only now coming into view.
This event will focus on the most salient subjects in six panels: A key component of the Summit is to formulate the Athens Declaration, an EUMediterranean Partnership to jointly achieve at least 20 percent energy savings and generate 20 percent of energy from renewable energy sources by the year It is intended to form a partnership between EU countries and non-EU Mediterranean countries in this respect, including, among others, Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco and Turkey, to meet this challenge.
Greece is at the crossroads of the great civilizations of Europe, Africa and the Middle East and provided the first trade routes to North and South Asia in its own rise to empire. As the need for energy and its conservation has increased, so have the tensions between the producers of energy and the consumer states.
This conference is designed to bring the various parties together for a detailed discussion of the current situation and prospects for the future — the primary personalities of the hydrocarbon industry together with the spokespersons of global warming and alternative energy — in a dialogue to assess this new era in human history.
Papandreou is professor of environmental economics, University of Athens, and vice president, Institute for Sustainable Development. AMC PUBLI Focusing on the areas of health and social care, education and the protection of the environment, AMC implements various social and environmental initiatives, addressing the needs of the Albanian society and people.
In the area of social care, AMC focused on supporting sensitive social groups. On World Hunger Day, the company launched a fundraising SMS campaign for the support of homes for the elderly throughout the country. During the Christmas period, AMC organized events and offered gifts to orphans and the children of policemen who lost their lives in the line of duty.
Nationalizing the global A new wave of money is crashing on the shores of Greek economic life, originating from hedge funds and private equity investors. This is yet another demonstration of a key feature of globalization: In this way, globalization is nationalized, which is to say that it becomes embedded within the national community where it takes place.
Essentially, as economies open up they have a natural advantage in attracting accumulated know-how and capital from their expatriate elements, which, due to the restrictions of the past, had historically sought their fortunes outside the national territory.
Protection as much as liberalization always reinforces itself in what we 20 21 By Antonis Kamaras might call virtuous or vicious cycles, depending on our ideological preferences. Protection, by compelling some of the most dynamic elements of a society and an economy to leave their country, further entrenches its own mentality and practices, within its particular national territory.
Conversely, liberalization by attracting these same dynamic elements that protection had previously expelled, accelerates its velocity and dramatically extends its reach. Thus the liberalization of the s initially facilitated the repatriation of Greek shipping, as privatizations in Greek telecoms and banking massively improved the operational infrastructure available to Greek shipowners. We can compare Greek shipping to the Indian IT magnates that established themselves in the same period. Over children from three institutions have participated in the program.
As in Greece, a culture of entrepreneurial achievement, and the material distinction that goes with it, was consecrated by politics thus making the country friendlier to the US-trained, hyper-competitive, non-resident Indians. Importantly, such repatriated elements — Greek shipowners, Indian IT entrepreneurs — benefit home-grown liberalization as much as they benefit from it. By enabling such redefinitions these repatriated elements assist in the nationalization of the politics of adjustment to global processes.
Opening up to global capital flows, growing domestic competi- 22 23 tion and so on becomes more acceptable and the politics and policies that facilitate such changes gain in durability, to the extent that they come in a package that includes the projection of national economic prowess onto the international domain.
This is the role that the Greek-owned commercial fleet plays, symbolically by its global pre-eminence and materially by repatriating billions of dollars to the Greek national economy every year, providing income to tens of thousands of high-salary employees in Greece, and channeling part of its tremendous excess liquidity to Greek entrepreneurship in Southeastern Europe.
As we delve deeper into this nationalization of the global in Greece, by Greek shipping, the following key questions need to be addressed, from a public policy and analytical perspective: What are the key features of the shipping cluster of Piraeus and Attica today?
How does it compare and compete with other shipping clusters, such as London, Hamburg or Rotterdam? What are the synergies between shipping and other sectors of the Greek economy, and how can they evolve? How are the interests of Greek shipping advanced internationally by the Greek state? How does shipping interact with Greek society? What could be the set of measures in the status of charitable activities and in the institutional environment that structures education, health and the arts in Greece that would encourage and enable Greek shipowners to make a substantial contribution to the Greek common good?
Antonis Kamaras worked in Istanbul in the financial sector from to Greece and the Human Security Network An era of leadership and initiative Since its creation, the United Nations has struggled to evolve into the institution it once was deemed fit to be, or an intermediary among sovereign nation-states.
In fact, the international organization has often been accused of having an indecisive nature and a framework that lacks the legitimacy needed to intervene, implement strategies and resolve issues of human security. Whether this alludes to protection from mistreatment and abuse of individuals or the inherent need to have a common set of standards by which the world as a By Antonios V.
Efforts of the HSN have included various initiatives. The Human Security Network has also published its various findings, after having conducted extensive research. Additional efforts of the network include creating and maintaining an electronic research database, in the hope of providing the UN with relevant sources, intelligence and materials to ensure the dignity and security of all in this time of turbulent stability.
The presidency of the HSN rotates every year. Meanwhile, the event, although an international target for terrorist attempts, 3. By doing so, Greece displayed its ability of implementation of human security, on the most primitive of levels, or the protection of humans on domestic soil.
As such, Greece has a set of initiatives and frameworks that comply with the efforts of the HSN, and the UN accordingly. Hence, it should be noted that Greece has played a vital role in decision-making and implementation efforts of the HSN, not to mention helped coordinate and fund the various forums and workshops.
In fact, I doubt very much that Greece or any other country in the world for that matter can do this. I am merely suggesting that this presidency brings a time of new hope and aspiration, like any new beginning. I mean, we have to start somewhere. Greece has the potential, the ability, and the knowledge to indirectly assist the UN in its duties. And though it is a daunting task, someone must attempt it. Otherwise, I am compelled to dread the future of our world that is to come. Before getting down to business under the new presidency, EU leaders should take some time out to work on the main lesson learnt from the adoption of the Lisbon Agenda: The process has not delivered the expected results due to a lack of commitment to the reform agenda on the part of member states.
The IGC in July will work upon the draft text which needs to be agreed upon by the EU leaders in October when they meet at an informal council in Lisbon.
The plan is for the finalized treaty to be ratified before the European Parliament elections in June Another priority is to give new impetus to the economic, social and environmental 1. The aim is to further enable EU member states to respond to the challenges they face and achieve the goal set for the European Union to become the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-driven economy bywhile maintaining the balance between the three dimensions of the agenda: The emphasis will be placed on Brazil, especially after the first ever EU-Brazil Summit, held on July 4, in Lisbon, which raised hopes of deeper cooperation between the EU and the South American Mercosur free trade zone.
Last but not least, justice and home affairs is another area on which emphasis is placed, and the new presidency aims at strengthening the area of freedom, security and justice.
Among other things, Portugal has stated its intention to open the way for the abolition of border controls between Schengen area member states, before the end of its presidency. Lessons learnt Having looked briefly at the current EU priorities, it is clear that challenges as well as opportunities lie ahead for the members of the Union.
Only by turning their own past experience, insight and knowledge into action will EU leaders be able to grasp the opportunities and deal with the chal- lenges. The Portuguese presidency is a good occasion for evaluating past performances and pondering over the lessons that can be learnt from the adoption of the Lisbon Strategy. More precisely, although the principles enshrined in the Lisbon Agenda were wholeheartedly supported by the heads of member states, when it comes to assessing the progress made toward the Lisbon goals the results are disappointing.
This does not mean that there are no exceptions — member states who do extremely well in certain aspects — or that the process is doomed. Besides, it has only been a couple of years since the relaunched Lisbon Strategy was adopted. Do they have a personal interest in the Lisbon Agenda? It is high time that they created the right socio-economic-political net that will protect European societies, local economies and the environment from the forces of political, economic and environmental globalization.
Tsakiris points out that the volume of those exports can serve only three major pipelines of Kashagan, which was discovered inis expected to start production by late or early and is not likely to reach its peak before the late s. After establishing the number and the size of potentially exportable volumes, Tsakiris delves into a detailed risk assessment study of the major contestants for the second and third MEPs. This part of the paper reads like a history of how the Burgas-Alexandroupolis Pipeline came about, but it is actually much more than that.
All in all, Tsakiris has managed to produce a balanced, erudite and perspicacious analysis that will remain politically as well as academically relevant for the better part of a decade, at the very least. There is little trace of the tensions that arose in the wake of the failed presidential election at the beginning of last May. Because the parliament was unable to elect a president then, on account of a two-thirds majority requirement in the first two rounds of balloting, the government had little alternative but to bring the general elections forward.
The insistence of the ruling Justice and Development Party AKP on pushing its candidate for president and, failing that, passing a constitutional amendment in the hope of getting the president directly elected by popular vote at the same time as the parliamentary elections, confirmed the suspicions of those who thought the AKP had an Islamist agenda and, hence, was striving to gain political control of all institutions of the state by having a partisan president elected.
Was Turkish democracy under threat both from Islamists and the military? Were the institutions of the state and the party system compatible with democratic criteria as espoused by the Copenhagen criteria?
The separation of powers provision, introduced first in the constitution that also called for a bicameral legislature and established a constitutional court separate from the Council of State, was conceived to prevent majoritarian control of all branches of government. The constitution nevertheless assigned the election of the president, for a single seven-year term, to the parliament, but by setting a two-thirds majority requirement for the first two rounds of balloting it aimed to force a consensus among a broad spectrum of representatives.
A single political party controlling nearly two-thirds of the parliamentary seats was not foreseen by the makers of the constitution. The constitution, however, also failed to reverse the prevailing tendency toward fragmentation; that is, the proliferation of political parties regardless of whether they had a chance of achieving parliamentary representation or not.
In the elections, seven, and the elections, six, parties competed, but fragmentation increased throughout the s, with 12 parties running in and a record 20 in the elections. Although the number of contesting parties had diminished to 13 by the elections, six of the parties garnered less than 3 percent of the votes.
Correspondingly, the ratio of representation also continued to drop, with the parliament representing Because only two themes of the 13 contesting parties made it over the threshold, the AKP was assigned In the current elections no less than 17 parties are still running, although there is little chance of more than three making it over the threshold.
There is, however, a record number of independent candidates running at present; the number of independents elected will mirror the growing sophistication of the voter. As the first business of the new parliament will be to elect a president, tensions may rise once more if an impartial candidate, acceptable to an overwhelming majority in the parliament, were not nominated by the leading party, likely to be the AKP.
With fewer seats than at present, the AKP would be well advised to seek consensus among political actors as well as the military if it wishes to avoid a renewed constitutional crisis. It is this remarkable resilience of the economy that accounts for the relaxed mood of the country during the current election campaign. The markets ignored the crisis last spring: The lira has remained strong even at an overvalued rate ; the stock exchange has maintained its momentum to reach record levels; and the presence of foreign particularly EU banks in Turkey has had a significant effect on reinforcing confidence in the economy and bolstering the vigor of the financial markets.
There is strong public support from a broad spectrum of society for EU membership; it remains over 50 percent, despite an insulting barrage of discriminatory rhetoric from various European capitals. As for Greek-Turkish relations, the Cyprus issue remains a formidable challenge to both Ankara and Athens.
The lack of a resolution of the Cyprus issue also detracts from the resolution of a host of bilateral issues relating to the Aegean. But we are moving in the right direction. Like Ireland, Cyprus has thrived since joining the EU and both countries were later forced to request an EU bailout when things went wrong.
Despite the problems that came with it, they both emerged stronger at the end of the programme. How did you feel about the Irish experience?
I would not say that Ireland has emerged stronger from the circumstances that led to the request for an EU bailout. Substantial private and government debts still remain and Ireland is fortunate, giv- en the scale of its debts, that international interest rates are low. The bubble that built up in the Irish economy in also distorted it in a way that does continuing damage. Initially, our construction sector was unhealthily over-extended and then, when the crash came, it contracted to almost nothing.
This led initially to too many people seeking careers in construction and then, later, to too many of those people having no option but to emigrate to other countries semi- permanently. At first, when Ireland had to seek assistance from the European Union and the IMF, most people, including myself, were somewhat ashamed that we found ourselves in that position.
On the other hand, the conditions imposed by the EU and the IMF enabled Ireland to make reforms that might otherwise have been postponed, and that was good. I was in Cyprus around the time that those conditions were imposed by the Troika and I was surprised that a bail-in of bank depositors was required in the case of Cyprus.
Under the aid package that Ireland received from the EU, Ireland was not allowed even to bail in the junior bondholders of our failed banks. This showed an inconsistency of policy on the part of the European Union, which highlighted how unprepared it was for the crisis that arose in both of our countries.
It has to be said, however, that these policy issues have now been settled in a consistent way by the EU and I hope that the same sort of problem will not The conditions imposed by the EU and the IMF enabled Ireland to make reforms that might otherwise have been postponed www. In Cyprus, it would appear that many more bailed-in depositors were not from the European Union than was the case with Ireland, and that their motives for placing their money on deposit in the banks was probably different in many instances.
It was during your time as Taoiseach that the Irish economy grew at an astonishing annual average rate of 8. On reflection, was that in any way responsible for what happened in ? I do not think the expansion of the Irish economy and had anything to do at all with the problems that arose in The expansion in was based on a very substantial improvement on productivity and competitiveness in the Irish economy and to Foreign Direct investment.
It was not characterised by the sort of foolish expansion in credit that fuelled the bubble in You have always been an enthusiastic supporter of European integration and of the euro but you will be aware of the argument that the present monetary union is not backed by an adequate level of political union and that the euro is therefore in danger of collapse. Firstly, is further integration gradually becoming a reality or has anti-EU sentiment grown too strong to allow it?
I agree that more needs to be done to strengthen the sustainability of the euro. The European Union is already a political union. In fact, it was a political union and a political project from the very beginning. The idea of a common market was always a means to an end, and that end was political reconciliation in Europe based on greater mutual economic interdependence. It is important to recognise that the European Union does not have the power to raise taxation, which is a matter from individual member states.
So if the European union is not spending enough money on this or that, the reason is that the member states — or some of them at least — are unwilling to raise and contribute the taxes to enable the European Union to do what is asked of it.
I agree that there is considerable anti-EU sentiment but I feel that some of this is due to a lack of understanding of what the EU can and cannot do. The EU is fundamentally a fragile institution. It exists only because of the consent of its 28 member states to accept and implement the decisions they take collectively. And secondly, do you have any worries about the durability of the euro?
Broadly speaking I do not. The costs for any country of leaving the euro greatly exceed any difficulties they experience from remaining in it. What was your reaction on June 24 when you heard the result of the UK referendum? My reaction was shock.
I could see that the debate about the European Union in the UK, over many years, had been neither well- informed nor sympathetic but I assumed — wrongly — that UK voters would recognise that tearing up 40 or more years of joint work between the UK and its fellow EU members would not be in the interest of the British people.
I think they have voted in a fashion that is against their interests and against the interests of Europe as a whole but we have to accept and work with that decision now.
Do you think that the UK will indeed leave the EU? There is a lot of talk about a second referendum, etc. I have difficulty envisaging the political conditions in which a second referendum would be possible. Do you think the EU without the UK will be weaker or does the referendum result mean one fewer opponent of greater European integration?
I think the EU will, in the short run, be weaker without the UK but we just have to get on with things now. It is only justified to the extent that it helps people of different nationalities to live in harmony and prosperity.
This is possible but unlikely. A lot depends on what terms the UK seeks for its new relationship with the EU as a non-member. If Scotland did detach itself from the UK, this would involves significant financial losses for Scotland.
Independence usually comes at a price, and the question is, are the Scots willing to pay the price? So it all depends on a trade-off between the short and the long term. Inyou were appointed Chairman of the IFSC Ireland, which promotes the Republic of Ireland as a location of choice for international financial services.
Given the timing of your appointment, which coincided with the bailout, how difficult was it at first to persuade international companies that Ireland was a safe and secure place for them to set up branches and headquarters?
I think the fact that the Irish authorities acted quickly to deal with their problems, and that they had the support of the EU and the IMF in so doing, meant that there was very little negative effect on continued investment in Ireland, including in international financial services.
Byfor example, Investment in the Irish Funds Industry was already on the rise again. Meanwhile, in other sectors such as pharmaceuticals, software and medical devices, foreign investment in Ireland continued to grow right through the economic crisis. Basically, Ireland, like Cyprus, has a good system of public administration and a good legal system, and they enable both of us to overcome short-term difficulties. If I were to give CIPA one piece of advice, it would be to ensure that the entire government system listens carefully to the concerns of foreign investors and is willing to respond to these in a fair-minded and transparent way.
Can we assume that you will be passing on a positive message about both? Finally, looking back over your career, which has been marked by remarkable success in many areas, is there one particular achievement of which you are most proud? I believe I am most proud of the fact I helped people in the Nationalist tradition in Ireland to begin better to understand Unionist fears and concerns, and that, thereby, I helped Unionists to feel more comfortable working with Dublin than they had ever felt before.
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