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quotes from Karl Marx: 'The oppressed are allowed once every few years has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. See more ideas about Karl marx, Sociology quotes and Angels. The marriage was controversial because Marx was a middle class Jew and Jenny was a. 91 quotes from Friedrich Engels: 'An ounce of action is worth a ton of theory.', 'If there were tags: agnosticism, engels, marx, marxism, science · 37 likes · Like.
Can prostitution disappear without engulfing at the same time monogamy? The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State as translated by Ernest Untermann ; Full English text of The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State - Full original-language German text of The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State The only difference as compared with the old, outspoken slavery is this, that the worker of today seems to be free because he is not sold once for all, but piecemeal by the daythe weekthe yearand because no one owner sells him to another, but he is forced to sell himself in this way instead, being the slave of no particular personbut of the whole property -holding class.
It is no longer a question anywhere of inventing interconnections from out of our brainsbut of discovering them in the facts. Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy By bourgeoisie is meant the class of modern capitalists, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage labor. By proletariat, the class of modern wage laborers who, having no means of production of their own, are reduced to selling their labor power in order to live.
All I know is that I am not a Marxist. Letter to Conrad Schmidt  August 5, What each individual wills is obstructed by everyone else, and what emerges is something that no one willed. Letter to Jean-Richard Bloch  September 21, People think they have taken quite an extraordinarily bold step forward when they have rid themselves of belief in hereditary monarchy and swear by the democratic republic.
In realityhowever, the state is nothing but a machine for the oppression of one class by another, and indeed in the democratic republic no less than in the monarchy. Introduction to edition of Karl Marx's, The Civil War in France The first act by virtue of which the State really constitutes itself the representative of the whole of society—the taking possession of the means of production in the name of society—this is, at the same timeits last independent act as a State.
State interference in social relations becomes, in one domain after another, superfluousand then dies out of itself; the government of persons is replaced by the administration of thingsand by the conduct of processes of production. Political economy came into being as a natural result of the expansion of tradeand with its appearance elementary, unscientific huckstering was replaced by a developed system of licensed fraudan entire science of enrichment.
Das Merkantilsystem hatte noch eine gewisse unbefangene, katholische Geradheit und verdeckte das unsittliche Wesen des Handels nicht im mindesten. An die Stelle der katholischen Geradheit trat protestantische Gleisnerei. The Mercantile System still had a certain artless Catholic candour and did not in the least conceal the immoral nature of trade. But when the economic LutherAdam Smithcriticised past economics things had changed considerably.
Protestant hypocrisy took the place of Catholic candour. Je freundschaftlicher, desto vorteilhafter. Naturally, it is in the interest of the trader to be on good terms with the one from whom he buys cheap as well as with the other to whom he sells dear. A nation therefore acts very imprudently if it fosters feelings of animosity in its suppliers and customers. The more friendlythe more advantageous. Such is the humanity of trade. And this hypocritical way of misusing morality for immoral purposes is the pride of the free-trade system.
You have destroyed the small monopolies so that the one great basic monopoly, property, may function the more freely and unrestrictedly. You have civilised the ends of the earth to win new terrain for the deployment of your vile avarice. You have brought about the fraternisation of the peoples — but the fraternity is the fraternity of thieves. Wo seid ihr sittlich gewesen, ohne interessiert zu sein, ohne unsittliche, egoistische Motive im Hintergrund zu hegen?
You have reduced the number of wars — to earn all the bigger profits in peaceto intensify to the utmost the enmity between individuals, the ignominious war of competition! When have you done anything out of pure humanityfrom consciousness of the futility of the opposition between the general and the individual interest? When have you been moral without being interested, without harbouring at the back of your mind immoral, egoistical motives?
By dissolving nationalities, the liberal economic system had done its best to universalise enmityto transform mankind into a horde of ravenous beasts for what else are competitors?
For the economist, only that person really demands, only that person is a real consumer, who has an equivalent to offer for what he receives. Die Lage der arbeitenden Klasse in England Page numbers refer to Penguin edition I forsook the company and the dinner- partiesthe port- wine and champagne of the middle-classesand devoted my leisure-hours almost exclusively to the intercourse with plain working men; I am both glad and proud of having done so.
Glad, because thus I was induced to spend many a happy hour in obtaining a knowledge of the realities of life—many an hour, which else would have been wasted in fashionable talk and tiresome etiquette ; proud, because thus I got an opportunity of doing justice to an oppressed and calumniated class of men who with all their faults and under all the disadvantages of their situationyet command the respect of every one but an English money -monger. What the proletarian needshe can obtain only from this bourgeoisie, which is protected in its monopoly by the power of the state.
The proletarian is, therefore, in law and in fact, the slave of the bourgeoisie, which can decree his life or death. Fine freedom, where the proletarian has no other choice than that of either accepting the conditions which the bourgeoisie offers him, or of starvingof freezing to death, of sleeping naked among the beasts of the forests!
The only difference as compared with the old, outspoken slavery is this, that the worker of today seems to be free because he is not sold once for all, but piecemeal by the daythe weekthe yearand because no one owner sells him to another, but he is forced to sell himself in this way instead, being the slave of no particular person, but of the whole property-holding class.
For it nothing exists in this world, except for the sake of money, itself not excluded.
It knows no bliss save that of rapid gainno pain save that of losing gold. In the presence of this avarice and lust of gain, it is not possible for a single human sentiment or opinion to remain untainted.
They are herded into great cities where they breathe a fouler air than in the countryside which they have left. How is it possible that the poorer classes can remain healthy and have a reasonable expectation of life under such conditions? What can one expect but that they should suffer from continual outbreaks of epidemics and an excessively low expectation of life?
The physical condition of the workers shows a progressive deterioration. Full text in English Communism is the doctrine of the conditions of the liberation of the proletariat. The proletariat is that class in society which lives entirely from the sale of its labor and does not draw profit from any kind of capital ; whose weal and woe, whose life and death, whose sole existence depends on the demand for labor — hence, on the changing state of businesson the vagaries of unbridled competition.
There have always been poor and working classes; and the working class have mostly been poor. But there have not always been workers and poor people living under conditions as they are today. The capitalists soon had everything in their hands and nothing remained to the workers. The class of big capitalists, who, in all civilized countriesare already in almost exclusive possession of all the means of subsistance and of the instruments machines, factories and materials necessary for the production of the means of subsistence.
This is the bourgeois class, or the bourgeoisie. The class of the wholly propertyless, who are obliged to sell their labor to the bourgeoisie in order to get, in exchange, the means of subsistence for their support. This is called the class of proletarians, or the proletariat. Labor is a commoditylike any other, and its price is therefore determined by exactly the same laws that apply to other commodities.
In a regime of big industry or of free competition — as we shall see, the two come to the same thing — the price of a commodity is, on the average, always equal to its cost of production. Hence, the price of labor is also equal to the cost of production of labor.
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But, the costs of production of labor consist of precisely the quantity of means of subsistence necessary to enable the worker to continue working, and to prevent the working class from dying out.
The worker will therefore get no more for his labor than is necessary for this purpose; the price of labor, or the wagewill, in other words, be the lowest, the minimum, required for the maintenance of life. The slave is sold once and for all; the proletarian must sell himself daily and hourly. The individual proletarian, property as it were of the entire bourgeois class which buys his labor only when someone has need of it, has no secure existence.
This existence is assured only to the class as a whole. The slave is outside competition; the proletarian is in it and experiences all its vagaries. The slave frees himself when, of all the relations of private propertyhe abolishes only the relation of slavery and thereby becomes a proletarian; the proletarian can free himself only by abolishing private property in general.
The proletarian works with the instruments of production of another, for the account of this other, in exchange for a part of the product. The proletarian liberates himself by abolishing competition, private property, and all class differences.
The manufacturing worker almost always lives in the countryside and in a more or less patriarchal relation to his landlord or employer ; the proletarian lives, for the most part, in the city and his relation to his employer is purely a cash relation.
The manufacturing worker is torn out of his patriarchal relation by big industry, loses whatever property he still has, and in this way becomes a proletarian.
Big industry has brought all the people of the Earth into contact with each other, has merged all local markets into one world market, has spread civilization and progress everywhere and has thus ensured that whatever happens in civilized countries will have repercussions in all other countries.
It follows that if the workers in England or France now liberate themselves, this must set off revolution in all other countries — revolutions which, sooner or later, must accomplish the liberation of their respective working class. Wherever big industries displaced manufacturethe bourgeoisie developed in wealth and power to the utmost and made itself the first class of the country.
The result was that wherever this happened, the bourgeoisie took political power into its own hands and displaced the hitherto ruling classesthe aristocracythe guildmastersand their representative, the absolute monarchy. The bourgeoisie annihilated the power of the aristocracy, the nobility, by abolishing the entailment of estates — in other words, by making landed property subject to purchase and sale, and by doing away with the special privileges of the nobility.
It destroyed the power of the guildmasters by abolishing guilds and handicraft privileges. In their place, it put competition — that is, a state of society in which everyone has the right to enter into any branch of industry, the only obstacle being a lack of the necessary capital.
The introduction of free competition is thus public declaration that from now on the members of society are unequal only to the extent that their capitals are unequal, that capital is the decisive power, and that therefore the capitalists, the bourgeoisie, have become the first class in society. Free competition is necessary for the establishment of big industry, because it is the only condition of society in which big industry can make its way. Having destroyed the social power of the nobility and the guildmasters, the bourgeois also destroyed their political power.
Having raised itself to the actual position of first class in society, it proclaims itself to be also the dominant political class. This it does through the introduction of the representative system which rests on bourgeois equality before the law and the recognition of free competition, and in European countries takes the form of constitutional monarchy. In these constitutional monarchies, only those who possess a certain capital are voters — that is to say, only members of the bourgeoisie.
These bourgeois voters choose the deputiesand these bourgeois deputies, by using their right to refuse to vote taxeschoose a bourgeois government. Everywhere the proletariat develops in step with the bourgeoisie. In proportion, as the bourgeoisie grows in wealth, the proletariat grows in numbers. For, since the proletarians can be employed only by capital, and since capital extends only through employing labor, it follows that the growth of the proletariat proceeds at precisely the same pace as the growth of capital.
Simultaneously, this process draws members of the bourgeoisie and proletarians together into the great cities where industry can be carried on most profitably, and by thus throwing great masses in one spot it gives to the proletarians a consciousness of their own strength.
Moreover, the further this process advances, the more new labor-saving machines are invented, the greater is the pressure exercised by big industry on wages, which, as we have seen, sink to their minimum and therewith render the condition of the proletariat increasingly unbearable. The growing dissatisfaction of the proletariat thus joins with its rising power to prepare a proletarian social revolution.
Religion, family, state, law, morality, science, art, etc. The positive transcendence of private property as the appropriation of human life, is therefore the positive transcendence of all estrangement — that is to say, the return of man from religion, family, state, etc.
It is evident that the initial stage of the movement amongst the various peoples depends on whether the true recognised life of the people manifests itself more in consciousness or in the external world — is more ideal or real.
Communism begins where atheism begins Owenbut atheism is at the outset still far from being communism; indeed it is still for the most part an abstraction. The philanthropy of atheism is therefore at first only philosophical, abstract philanthropy, and that of communism is at once real and directly bent on action. Private Property and Communism Association, applied to land, shares the economic advantage of large-scale landed propertyand first brings to realization the original tendency inherent in land-division, namely, equality.
In the same way association also re-establishes, now on a rational basis, no longer mediated by serfdom, overlordship and the silly mysticism of property, the intimate ties of man with the earth, since the earth ceases to be an object of huckstering, and through free labour and free enjoyment becomes once more a true personal property of man.
Rent of Land, p. As for large landed property, its defenders have always, sophisticallyidentified the economic advantages offered by large-scale agriculture with large-scale landed property, as if it were not precisely as a result of the abolition of property that this advantage, for one thing, would receive its greatest possible extension, and, for another, only then would be of social benefit.
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Feuerbach is the only one who has a serious, critical attitude to the Hegelian dialectic and who has made genuine discoveries in this field. He is in fact the true conqueror of the old philosophy. The extent of his achievement, and the unpretentious simplicity with which he, Feuerbach, gives it to the world, stand in striking contrast to the opposite attitude of the others. Critique of the Hegelian Dialectic and Philosophy as a Whole, p. The philosopher, who is himself an abstract form of alienated man, sets himself up as the measure of the alienated world.
The production of ideas, of conceptions, of consciousness, is at first directly interwoven with the material activity and the material intercourse of men, the language of real life. Die Deutsche Ideologie by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels — Full text online Communism is for us not a state of affairs which is to be established, an ideal to which reality [will] have to adjust itself.
We call communism the real movement which abolishes the present state of things. The conditions of this movement result from the premises now in existence. For as soon as the distribution of labour comes into being, each man has a particular exclusive sphere of activity, which is forced upon him and from which he cannot escape. He is a hunter, a fisherman, a shepherd, or a critical critic and must remain so if he does not wish to lose his means of livelihood; while in communist societywhere nobody has one exclusive sphere of activity but each can become accomplished in any branch he wishes, society regulates the general production and thus makes it possible for me to do one thing today and another tomorrow, to hunt in the morning, to fish in the afternoon, rear cattle in the evening, criticize after dinner, just as I have in mind, without ever becoming hunter, fisherman, shepherd or critic.
The first premise of all human history is, of course, the existence of living human individuals. Thus the first fact to be established is the physical organisation of these individuals and their consequent relation to the rest of nature. Volume I; Part 1; "Feuerbach. The fact is, therefore, that definite individuals who are productively active in a definite way enter into these definite social and political relations.
Empirical observation must in each separate instance bring out empirically, and without any mystification and speculation, the connection of the social and political structure with production. The social structure and the state are continually evolving out of the life-process of definite individuals, but of individuals, not as they appear in their own or other people's imagination, but as they really are; i.
Conceiving, thinking, the mental intercourse of men, appear at this stage as the direct efflux of their material behaviour. The same applies to mental production as expressed in the language of the politics, laws, morality, religion, metaphysics of a people. Men are the producers of their conception, ideas, etc. Consciousness can never be anything else than conscious existence, and the existence of men is their actual life-process.
If in all ideology men and their circumstances appear upside down as in a camera obscura, this phenomenon arises just as much from their historical life-process as the inversion of objects on the retina does from their physical life-process.
Where speculation ends — in real life — there real, positive science begins: Empty talk about consciousness ceases, and real knowledge has to take place.
When reality is depicted, philosophy as an independent branch of activity loses its medium of existence. At the best its place can only be taken by a summing-up of the most general results, abstractions which arise from the observation of the historical development of men.
Viewed apart from real history, these abstractions have in themselves no value whatsoever. They can only serve to facilitate the arrangement of historical material, to indicate the sequence of its separate strata.
But they by no means afford a recipe or schema, as does philosophy, for neatly trimming the epochs of history. On the contrary, our difficulties begin only when we set about the observation and the arrangement — the real depiction — of our historical material, whether of a past epoch or of the present.
Communism differs from all previous movements in that it overturns the basis of all earlier relations of production and intercourse, and for the first time consciously treats all natural premises as the creatures of hitherto existing men, strips them of their natural character and subjugates them to the power of the united individuals.
Its organisation is, therefore, essentially economic, the material production of the conditions of this unity; it turns existing conditions into conditions of unity. The reality, which communism is creating, is precisely the true basis for rendering it impossible that anything should exist independently of individuals, insofar as reality is only a product of the preceding intercourse of individuals themselves.
It is in fact not the consciousness dominating life but the very life dominating consciousness. Language comes into being, like consciousness, from the basic need, from the scantiest intercourse with other human. Philosophy stands in the same relation to the study of the actual world as masturbation to sexual love. The German Ideology, International Publishers, ed. They have a world to win.
A spectre is haunting Europe; the spectre of Communism. Preamble, paragraph 1, line 1. The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.
Section 1, paragraph 1, lines The bourgeoisiewherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley of ties that bound man to his "natural superiors," and left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous "cash payment.
Constant revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. Section 1, paragraph 18, lines All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses, his real conditions of life, and his relations with his kind.
A class of labourers, who live only so long as they find work, and who find work only so long as their labour increase capital. These labourers, who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a commodity, like every other article of commerce, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition, to all the fluctuations of the market.
Section 1, paragraph 30, lines He becomes an appendage of the machine, and it is only the most simple, most monotonous, and most easily acquired knack, that is required of him.
Hence, the cost of production of a workman is restricted, almost entirely, to the means of subsistence that he requires for his maintenance, and for the propagation of his race. Section 1, paragraph 31, lines No sooner is the exploitation of the labourer by the manufacturer, so far, at an end, that he receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon by the other portions of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper, the pawnbroker, etc.
Section 1, paragraph But every class struggle is a political struggle.
Section 1, paragraph 39, lines Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. Section 1, paragraph 44, lines Law, morality, religion, are to him so many bourgeois prejudices, behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests.
Section 1, paragraph 47, lines What the bourgeoisie therefore produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable. Section 1, paragraph 53, lines The theory of Communism may be summed up in the single sentence: Abolition of private property. Section 2, paragraph All that we want to do away with is the miserable character of this appropriation, under which the labourer lives merely to increase capitaland allowed to live only so far as the interest to the ruling class requires it.
Section 2, paragraph 20, lines Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the products of society; all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate the labour of others by means of such appropriation. The working men have no country. We cannot take away from them what they have not got. Section 2, paragraph 51, lines When people speak of ideas that revolutionize society, they do but express the fact that within the old society, the elements of a new one have been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence.
The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional property relations; no wonder that its development involves the most radical rupture with traditional ideas. In place of the bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, shall we have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.
Section 2, paragraph 72 last paragraph. In political practice, therefore, they join in all coercive measures against the working class;and in ordinary life, despite the high-falutin phrases, they stoop to pick up the golden apples, and to barter truth, love, and honour for traffic in wool, beet-root sugar, and potato spirits.
Section 3, paragraph 9. The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.
Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains.